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RASSEGNA STAMPA ESTERA

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1/23/2013 9:06 PM
 
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La stampa estera: “Berlusconi? Un ciarlatano che terrorizza i mercati”

I giornali di tutto il mondo ironici e diffidenti sul ritorno in campo di Berlusconi.
Il Times: "La sua esperienza di gestore dell’economia è pessima quanto la sua reputazione di organizzatore di feste".
Non mancano appunti anche sulla gestione Monti. E il Wall Street Journal ha già incoronato premier Pier Luigi Bersani.

 
La stampa estera: “Berlusconi? Un ciarlatano che terrorizza i mercati”
 
A volte ritornano, immancabili come le inquietudini dei mercati. Lo avevamo lasciato nei panni dell’inetto Nerone che suona la lira sullo sfondo di una Roma in fiamme (copyright The Independent) alla vigilia del quasi collasso del Btp. Lo ritroviamo sulla tazza di un water con il marchio “scaduto” e un titolo che è tutto un programma: “Zurück nach oben”, in pratica “un ritorno a galla”, una risalita. Il tedesco Süddeutsche Zeitung non fa sconti nel dipingere agli occhi dei lettori l’ennesimo ritorno in campo di Silvio Berlusconi. E ancora una volta si ritrova in buona compagnia. Direttamente da Milanello torna Berlusconi, anzi “Torna il Bunga Bunga” sottolinea la Bild. La Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung non esita a parlare di “farsa italiana”, il Tagesspiegel si spinge a definire Berlusconi “der schlimmste Scharlatan der europäischen Nachkriegspolitik”, “il peggior ciarlatano del dopoguerra europeo”.

I toni non migliorano negli altri Paesi europei. Da Liberation (“Il ritorno della mummia”) Les Echos arriva il coro di sfiducia d’Oltralpe cui si somma la lunga sequela di bocciature d’Oltremanica. “Domenica l’Italia si è svegliata scoprendo ancora una volta come la politica sia un mondo fatto di amari attacchi personali, giochi di prestigio, egoismo e servilismo, l che significa una cosa sola:Silvio Berlusconi è tornato” scrive il corrispondente del Guardian Tom Kington. “L’ultima cosa di cui l’Italia ha bisogno è di tornare a votare per Berlusconi, la cui esperienza di gestore dell’economia è pessima quanto la sua reputazione di organizzatore di feste” scrive invece il Times.

L’accostamento, per quanto perfido, rappresenta la più ovvia chiave di lettura odierna. Attesa dalla prova mercati, l’Italia torna a respirare il clima pre Monti. Alla riapertura delle contrattazioni piazze finanziarie scontano quello che da anni gli analisti hanno ribattezzato Berlusconi’s discount, espressione coniata in origine per spiegare gli effetti delle prodezze del leader sulle performance del titolo Mediaset ma ormai utile a narrare le gesta dei titoli di debito e dei principali indici del Paese. A metà seduta la Borsa di Milano viaggiava a oltre 3 punti in negativo, con i tassi di interesse sul Btp decennali a quota 4,85% (spread intorno a 360 punti base). Male soprattutto i titoli bancari con Monte dei Paschi a -6,82%, Unicredit (-5,76%), Banco Popolare (-6,39%) e Intesa Sanpaolo (-6,63%) letteralmente a picco. Un disastro che non si vedeva da tempo.

La questione è probabilmente tutta qui. I fondamentali dell’Italia, leggasi l’accoppiata debito/recessione, sono ancora spaventosi. Il piano di difesa lanciato in estate dalla Bce ha permesso ai mercati di evitare la temuta tempesta di agosto producendo una lenta normalizzazione degli spread. Ma la fragilità dell’impianto resta talmente evidente da risultare estremamente sensibile agli umori della speculazione. In sintesi, è come se i grandi fondi di investimento fossero tuttora in attesa di un segnale, una scintilla capace di scatenare nuovi movimenti ribassisti. E un messaggio di instabilità politica rappresenta in questo senso un’opportunità irrinunciabile.

L’addio di Mario Monti, il garante della serietà dell’impegno italiano agli occhi di Angela Merkel e della Ue, costituisce il segnale tanto atteso dagli speculatori. Ma qui si colloca anche un sostanziale paradosso. L’adesione di Monti alla linea europea ha contribuito a ridurre la pressione sul debito italiano, ma “l’aumento delle tasse e il taglio alla spesa – scrive il Financial Times – stanno avendo un effetto controproducente” tanto che “il deterioramento della sostenibilità del debito dell’Italia” dovrebbe diventare “più evidente il prossimo anno quando si avrà una maggiore evidenza statistica degli effetti calamitosi dell’austerity”. Come a dire che una volta superata l’emergenza da spread a 500 (il livello critico dei mesi passati) dovrà per forza scattare il piano b, quello pro crescita. Un onere che, sondaggi alla mano, spetterà probabilmente a Pier Luigi Bersani che Financial Times e Wall Street Journal hanno già incoronato premier.

“I problemi dell’Italia non riguardano tanto la gestione di breve termine del bilancio statale” sottolinea il quotidiano britannico. “Bersani è considerato un moderato ma il suo partito è sostenuto dai sindacati contrari alle riforme che all’inizio di quest’anno si sono impegnati con successo per annacquare le riforme del mercato del lavoro introdotte da Monti”, scrive il Wall Street Journal. Il Partito Democratico ha creato un’alleanza elettorale con il movimento della sinistra radicale (sic), Sel, che ha biasimato le riforme di austerità di Monti facendo così aumentare il timore degli economisti che alcune politiche fiscali meno rigorose possano far ripiombare l’Italia nella crisi”. Interpellato dallo stesso quotidiano finanziario Usa, Bersani ha promesso di rispettare in futuro gli impegni presi con l’Unione Europea. Basterà?

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2/15/2013 2:27 PM
 
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Newsmakers

The Pope and the Spy Who Loved Him

The butler did it! That was the tabloid take on the unprecedented breach of security that shook the Vatican last year, when a trove of secrets plucked from one of the most impenetrable places on earth—the pope's private quarters—was leaked to the media. But why did he do it? And did he act alone? Sean Flynn digs around the Vatican's strange, cloistered world and unravels a cloak-and-dagger scandal that's a lot more layered than the Church would have you believe—and that may be just the beginning.

Febbraio 2013

The whole thing began, as many cryptic scandals do, with an apparently innocuous phone call. In the spring of 2011, a friend that Gianluigi Nuzzi hadn't heard from in quite some time asked to meet for coffee in Milan. Nuzzi's friend didn't work in journalism, which is Nuzzi's business, and he didn't mention that he might have the seeds of a story.

At the café they exchanged pleasantries, caught up. But then Nuzzi's friend announced his true intention: He had another friend—he wouldn't say who, exactly—who wanted to share some secrets from inside the notoriously leakproof walls of the Vatican. Nuzzi didn't find this particularly surprising. People often want to tell him things: He's on television, the host of an investigative news show called The Untouchables. But he didn't find it particularly interesting, either. Though he'd written a well-received book in 2009 about the Vatican bank's history of shady dealings, Nuzzi had no desire to become a specialist in the inner workings of the world's smallest sovereign nation. And who knew what an anonymous source might be offering.

Still, his friend was insistent. Nuzzi told him to pass along Nuzzi's cell-phone number.

Sometime later, Nuzzi got another call, this time from a man he did not know. He doesn't know his real name, so he refers to him as The Contact. The Contact told Nuzzi that, if he was interested, he should take a train from Milan, where he lives and broadcasts his show, to Rome and then go to a bar near Piazza Mazzini. Nuzzi still didn't know if he was interested, but this was the sort of thing—shadowy encounters with strangers—that Nuzzi enjoys. He has been a journalist for almost twenty years, mostly in print before moving to television a few years ago, and prefers working with confidential sources and documents. He likens himself to a submarine, prowling beneath the waves and surfacing only when he has something to report. Think of how many fish have yet to be discovered, he says, how many trenches still are unexplored!

Two men, both Italians in their forties dressed in conservative suits, met Nuzzi at the bar. They asked him many questions— about his professional interests, his tactics, how he keeps anonymous sources anonymous. They were affable and polite, but Nuzzi guessed they weren't clerics. "They let slip a few words," he later wrote, "that recalled the barracks more than the sacristy." They offered no secrets. Rather, Nuzzi realized, they were assessing him, gauging whether he could be trusted.

Apparently he could be. A second meeting was arranged—another bar, the same two men. After some small talk, one of them pulled from his pocket a folded sheet of paper. He handed it to Nuzzi, who smoothed it out, read quickly. On it was a list of grievances involving two well known monsignors inside Vatican City. But the complaints were anonymous, which reduced them to gossip. These were the dark secrets—nameless trifles?

Nuzzi handed back the paper. "No, thank you," he told the men.

Both men smiled and said nothing.

Nuzzi was confused. But the men seemed satisfied, and then he understood: The tip had been a bluff, a test to see if he'd grab any silly slander or if he was a serious journalist interested in a serious story.

"Let's go for a walk," one of the men said. Nuzzi followed them outside, where a van was parked. They drove for almost an hour, but in circles, looping through the streets, making sure they weren't followed. Then they stopped in front of an apartment building not far from where they'd started. The men had a key to a vacant unit. They led Nuzzi inside, down a hallway, and into a room empty except for a single plastic chair.

A man was sitting in the chair. He told Nuzzi he had worked inside the Vatican for about twenty years. He professed to be a devout and pious Catholic, which Nuzzi would come to believe because the man quoted Gospel passages and His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI from memory. The man was uncomfortable meeting with a journalist, but he said his conscience left him no alternative. There are scandals in the Holy See, he told Nuzzi, hypocrisies and frauds practiced upon the Church, and even upon Benedict himself, that he could no longer abide.

The man said he had documents that would prove the truth. He had collected memos and letters for years, and he would give them to Nuzzi. But their meetings could never become known. They could never speak on the phone or communicate by e-mail. They would meet only in person, on a prearranged schedule. Also, the man wanted a code name.

"Maria," the man suggested.

Nuzzi smiled. He liked it. Maria, he thought. The messenger above suspicion.

 

···

 

The man in the plastic chair would appear to have been Paolo Gabriele, who until his highly publicized arrest last spring was the pope's butler. Nuzzi will neither confirm nor deny this, but there are obvious similarities. Gabriele, like "Maria," had worked in the Vatican for about twenty years, and he is a devout and pious Catholic who often quotes Gospel and the pope. He told Vatican police and the Vatican court and Nuzzi, in his one public interview, that he for years had collected private papal documents that did not reconcile with Church teachings, at least as he understood them. "Hypocrisy reigns unchecked in the Vatican," the man in the plastic chair told Nuzzi. "Hypocrisy, well, there's a lot of that," Gabriele later told Nuzzi. "We could say that it is the realm of hypocrisy."

However, Gabriele was not the only source. "Maria," Nuzzi tells me, "is a collective." He says there were about twenty moles in all. There were the sources who preferred to meet in the bright aisles of La Feltrinelli bookstore on the north side of the Area Sacra ruins; others he met in the dining room in a hotel with a view of St. Peter's and in a restaurant that serves small portions of expensive food on Via Luigi Settembrini. "When I told you about walking in the park and it was snowing, that was with one person," Nuzzi says. "When I told you about another meeting, that was another person."

 

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Elezioni politiche 2013: i commenti dall'estero:
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Vignetta su un articolo di un giornalista-illustratore di Le Monde
venuto in Italia per cercare di spiegare ai francesi Bruno Vespa e Porta a Porta: due misteri italiani.
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Elezioni politiche 2013: i commenti dall'estero:
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Elezioni politiche 2013: i commenti dall'estero:
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Elezioni politiche 2013:
Agence France-Presse
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US news blog

Palestine now recognised by greater power than US or Israel – Google

Internet giant follows UN in recognising statehood, changing home page tagline from 'Palestinian territories' to 'Palestine'

Anche Google riconosce la Palestina
 È online Google.ps ovvero Google Palestina, versione “nazionale” del popolare motore di ricerca, dedicata allo stato di Palestina.

Google has chosen to recognise Palestine.

When the UN recognized Palestine as an observer state last November,Israel retaliated by announcing new settlements. Now an organization of arguably greater authority has recognized Palestine: Google.

On Friday, the search engine changed the tagline on its home page in the occupied territories from "Palestinian territories" to, simply, "Palestine".

"We consult a number of sources and authorities when naming countries," a Google spokesman, Nathan Tyler, told the BBC. "In this case, we are following the lead of the UN, Icann [Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers], ISO [International Organisation for Standardisation] and other international organisations."

What to call the area south of Lebanon and Syria, west of Jordan and north of Sinai that isn't Israel is a matter of fierce debate. Before 1948 the entire area, including present-day Israel, was called Palestine. In 1988, leaders of the remaining territory declared a state of Palestine, but the state has had trouble gaining recognition. In November's UN vote, 138 nations voted to recognize a state of Palestine, nine voted against and 41 abstained.

Google's homeland, the United States, is currently the most powerful opponent of recognizing Palestine.

Fonte: The Guardian

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Non è proprio rassegna stampa estera, ma un recente cartellone pubblicitario che pubblicizza una società di noleggio auto:
[SM=x44455]
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L'omicidio Meredith
Qui l'articolo del Fatto Quotidiano per approfondire...
Sentenza ribaltata: Amanda Knox è stata condannata a 28 anni e 6 mesi di carcere e Raffaele Sollecito a 25 anni per l’omicidio di Meredith Kercher. Divieto di espatrio per lui e nessuna misura cautelare per lei.

La stampa internazionale
- A pochi minuti dalla lettura della sentenza della Corte d’appello di Firenze nel caso dell’omicidio di Meredith Kercher, la notizia della conferma della condanna di Amanda Knox e Raffaele Sollecito è rimbalzata sulle homepage dei siti dei giornali di tutto il mondo, guadagnando spesso l’apertura. È questo il caso della Bbc, che apre il sito con una foto di Raffaele e Amanda e titola: “Amanda Knox colpevole dell’omicidio Kercher”. Negli Stati Uniti su Abc News e Cnn, titolo stringato: “Colpevoli di nuovo”, sopra una foto di Amanda e Raffaele. La nuova condanna è la seconda notizia in ordine di importanza sul Wall Street Journal e si trova anche sulla home page del New York Times, che titola “Amanda Knox di nuovo condannata per omicidio in Italia”. Notizia in alto anche sul Boston Globe. Nel Regno Unito il caso Meredith si trova in apertura dell’Indipendent e del Guardian, il cui titolo recita: “Knox e Sollecito perdono il ricorso in appello per l’omicidio Kercher”. Lo stesso Guardian riporta anche una video-intervista esclusiva ad Amanda Knox, rilasciata al giornalista Simon Hattenstone nei giorni scorsi. Apertura anche sul quotidiano francese Le Monde e sul tedesco Frankfurter Allgemeine.
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2/14/2014 10:46 AM
 
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"Renzi vuole andare al potere senza elezioni"
Questo è.
Poi possiamo fare tutte le riflessioni interessantissime che volete. [SM=g1700002]
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E continua a coprire l'Italia di ridicolo [SM=x44471]
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4/13/2014 1:55 PM
 
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Re
Come criticano il nostro povero Berluscono all'esterno...lo ritengono un delinquente, un poco di buono, ma è possibile che tutto il mondo abbia una visuale distorta e solo noi grandi intellettuali italiani lo continuiamo a votare e a difendere???
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Perchè questo articolo dell'Economist Non è stato rilanciato dai giornali italiani?
Ricordo che invece con Berlusconi amplificavano ogni critica in pompa magna... ci davano sotto alla grande... 
Come mai con Renzi sembrano avere un trattamento di riguardo?

Charlemagne

Atwitter about Matteo Renzi

For all the excitement about Italy’s prime minister, can he save the economy?

WHEN Matteo Renzi became Italy’s youngest prime minister in February, an old video turned up of him as a student in an amateur sketch playing the part of Silvio Berlusconi, the tycoon who has dominated Italian politics for 20 years. Deriding rivals as communists, promising to double salaries, offering to turn a cardinal into a pope, this Renzi-Berlusconi broke into song, promising “a government of brilliant people”.

The parody has a strange ring of contemporary truth. To many Italians, Mr Renzi looks like a Berlusconi of the left. Although he does not suffer from a questionable love life, conflicts of interest and battles with judges, Mr Renzi is a showman and headline-grabber rather like Mr Berlusconi. As mayor of Florence, he appeared on a magazine cover in a leather jacket posing as The Fonz in the television series “Happy Days”. If Mr Berlusconi was a master of television, Mr Renzi is a devotee of the internet and social media. Like Mr Berlusconi in the 1990s, he is an outsider who has triumphed amid the collapse of a discredited political order.

In Rome’s fusty palaces, with their tail-coated ushers, a gerontocracy has been swept aside by mayors from the provinces. In May’s European election, Mr Renzi’s Democratic Party (PD) secured 41% of the vote—the highest score for a single party since the 1950s. Unlike in other parts of Europe, in Italy populist insurgents lost support. The PD is now the largest national party in the European Parliament. No wonder Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, recently greeted Mr Renzi as the “matador”.

As Italy takes over the European Union’s rotating presidency, Mr Renzi enjoys unusual influence. One reason is his electoral success, which has partly legitimised the palace coup in which he pushed aside his colleague, Enrico Letta, despite a soothing Twitter hashtag #enricostaisereno (#enricodontworry). Another reason is fear of the alternative: the loud-mouthed ex-comic, Beppe Grillo, whose Five Star Movement is Italy’s second-largest party. A third factor is fear of Italy itself. The euro zone’s third-largest economy is still shrinking (GDP per head is smaller than when the euro began in 1999), and unemployment is rising. Its public-debt burden, at 134% of GDP, is the heaviest after Greece. Italy is too big to fail and too big to save. If it goes down, so does the euro.

So Mr Renzi faces one persistent question: can he save Italy, or will he turn out to be as ineffective as others before him? Italians still quote the words of a former prime minister, Giovanni Giolitti (also often attributed to Mussolini): “Governing Italy is not impossible; it is pointless.” After only four months in power, it is early to judge Mr Renzi. In rhetoric, at least, he embraces comprehensive reform and free markets. Italy must change in order to change Europe, he insists. His promise to bring in a big reform every month was overblown. Now Mr Renzi says he needs 1,000 days to make a difference, not 100. On the flipside of his youth and energy are inexperience, improvisation and moments of vacuity. His personal style may hamper systematic government. This week Mr Renzi tweeted a picture of his desk, meant to show he was hard at work (hashtagged #lavoltabuona, or #thetimeisright), but some saw only a disorganised jumble of papers, pens, highlighters and half-drunk orange juice.

Mr Renzi’s clearest achievement has been tax relief worth €80 ($110) a month to poor workers, dished out in May, just in time for the European election. Bigger ones may yet be constitutional change to cut back the Senate and rebalance state powers, and a new electoral law. Dissenters are everywhere but Mr Renzi seems close to a deal, if only because all fear elections and the Renzi whirlwind.

Yet doubts persist. Some critics say Mr Renzi has signed a pact with the devil (Mr Berlusconi), perhaps in exchange for some hidden promise of protection, thus rehabilitating a convicted fraudster. The focus on institutional change distracts from urgently needed reforms to a stagnant economy and an ossified bureaucracy. Hundreds of decrees and laws already adopted are yet to be implemented. Mr Renzi’s devotees retort that they must deal with Mr Berlusconi, as with Mr Grillo, to secure change. They also argue that institutional reform is the biggest structural reform.

Mr Renzi hopes that his reforms will bring down Italy’s self-serving political class, known as La Casta. Yet this battle may end up wasting precious political capital on a Roman parlour game. Mr Renzi’s achievements will be for nothing unless he can revive the economy. Fixing it needs many structural reforms, ranging from liberalisation to privatising state-owned enterprises, speeding up slothful courts and fighting endemic corruption. Mr Renzi has made a start. But he spends too much time lobbying the EU for more “flexibility” from fiscal rules, and too little talking about the need for more flexibility in Italy’s labour and product markets. Instead of demanding exemptions for whole categories of spending (eg, investment in information technology), he should do more to cut waste.

The real deficit

Mr Renzi is right that excessive austerity has hurt European economies. But Italy’s problems of chronic low growth and weak productivity long predate the euro crisis. If Germany resists sharing liabilities to strengthen the euro, it is in part because of its profound suspicion of Italy. Joint Eurobonds? Germany does not want to be liable for Italy’s gargantuan debt. Loosen monetary policy? Beware of modelling the euro on the Italian lira. Bigger transfers? They would only create more moral hazard.

The biggest deficit that Mr Renzi must contend with is credibility and lack of time. Italy needs reform to boost its potential to grow and faces years of pain to pay down its debts. Pretending there is a quick and easy way out would only invite unflattering comparisons with Mr Berlusconi. #matteohurryup

Economist.com/blogs/charlemagne

From the print edition: Europe
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12/13/2014 10:24 AM
 
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Scioperi contro Renzi, ma sui giornali....
Il "giornalismo libero e indipendente" stamattina ci avverte che Renzi non si fa intimidire dalla piazza. [SM=x44455] E' evidente che i giornali italiani - tranne in parte Repubblica, e ovviamente Il Manifesto - spostano l'attenzione su altri argomenti ed i cenni allo sciopero sono comunque negativi, mentre la stampa estera sottolinea la protesta contro Renzi e le sue politiche. Si, la comparazione parla da sola:

_________________


Non condivido le tue idee, ma darei la vita per vederti sperculeggiare quando le esporrai.
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12/13/2014 1:46 PM
 
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Re: Scioperi contro Renzi, ma sui giornali....
Etrusco, 13/12/2014 10:24:

Il "giornalismo libero e indipendente" stamattina ci avverte che Renzi non si fa intimidire dalla piazza. [SM=x44455] E' evidente che i giornali italiani - tranne in parte Repubblica, e ovviamente Il Manifesto - spostano l'attenzione su altri argomenti ed i cenni allo sciopero sono comunque negativi, mentre la stampa estera sottolinea la protesta contro Renzi e le sue politiche. Si, la comparazione parla da sola:




All'estero i giornalisti fanno i dog watch dei politici nel senso che li azzannano appena fanno qualcosa di scorretto contro gli elettori,
invece in Italia sono sempre dog watch ma a difesa dei politici, qualsiasi porcata facciano, non parlano delle notizie scomode, minimizzano, distraggono e spostano altrove l'attenzione [SM=x44504]

Poi qualcuno mi spiega che senso ha scegliere il Corriere anzichè il Messaggero... per informarsi?
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